As a civilization contemporary with Egyptian civilization, Mesopotamia developed education quite similar to that of its counterpart with respect to its purpose and training. Formal education was practical and aimed to train scribes and priests. It was extended from basic reading, writing, and religion to higher learning in law, medicine, and astrology. Generally, youth of the upper classes were prepared to become scribes, who ranged from copyists to librarians and teachers. The schools for priests were said to be as numerous as temples. This indicates not only the thoroughness but also the supremacy of priestly education. Very little is known about higher education, but the advancement of the priestly work sheds light upon the extensive nature of intellectual pursuit.

As in the case of Egypt, the priests in Mesopotamia dominated the intellectual and educational domain as well as the applied. The centre of intellectual activity and training was the library, which was usually housed in a temple under the supervision of influential priests. Methods of teaching and learning were memorization, oral repetition, copying of models, and individual instruction. It is believed that the exact copying of scripts was the hardest and most strenuous and served as the test of excellence in learning. The period of education was long and rigorous, and discipline was harsh.

In North China, the civilization of which began with the emergence of the Shang era, complex educational practices were in effect at a very early date. In fact, every important foundation of the formation of modern Chinese character was already established, to a great extent, more than 3,000 years ago.

Chinese ancient formal education was distinguished by its markedly secular and moral character. Its paramount purpose was to develop a sense of moral sensitivity and duty toward people and the state. Even in the early civilizational stage, harmonious human relations, rituals, and music formed the curriculum.

Formal colleges and schools probably antedate the Zhou dynasty of the 1st millennium BC, at least in the imperial capitals. Local states probably had less-organized institutions, such as halls of study, village schools, and district schools. With regard to actual methods of education, ancient Chinese learned from bamboo books and obtained moral training and practice in rituals by word of mouth and example. Rigid rote learning, which typified later Chinese education, seems to have been rather condemned. Education was regarded as the process of individual development from within.

In the USA the first stage traditionally found in formal education, begins at about age 5 to 7 and ends at about age 11 to 13. In the United Kingdom and some other countries, the term primary is used instead of elementary. In the United States the term primary customarily refers to only the first three years of elementary education—i.e., grades 1 to 3. Elementary education is often preceded by some form of preschool for children age 3 to 5 or 6 and is often followed by secondary education (q.v.).

Despite the many cultural and political differences among nations, the objectives and curriculum at least of elementary education tend to be similar. Nearly all nations are officially committed to mass education, which is viewed as eventually including a full elementary education for all. An increasing agreement may therefore be found among nations to the effect that preparation for citizenship is one of the major objectives of elementary education. In terms of curriculum, this objective suggests an emphasis on reading and writing skills, arithmetic skills, and basic social studies and science.

In the French system, children age 6 to 11 attend the école primaire élémentaire. The United States, which has a decentralized system of education, generally has nursery schools and kindergartens integrated with the elementary schools. The elementary-secondary sequence overall is 12 years long (not counting a one- or two-year kindergarten), but the subdivision of these years varies, including eight-four or six-six (elementary school and high school), six-three-three (elementary school, junior high school, and senior high school), and four-four-four (primary school, middle school, and high school), and some modifications of these patterns.

Compulsory education in England begins at age 5 and continues to age 16. Formal school attendance begins at age 5, when the child enters the two-year infant school or department. Thereafter students may attend junior school until age 11. Some local authorities, however, have established "first" schools for pupils of ages 5 to 8, 9, or 10 and "middle" schools for various age ranges between ages 8 and 14. In Canada the elementary school, depending upon the province, may be 8, 7, or 6 years in length. In Australia compulsory attendance begins at the age of 6 and extends to 15 in five states and to 16 in Tasmania. As a general rule, elementary and secondary education last six years each.

The contemporary Japanese school system consists of a three-year kindergarten, a six-year elementary school, a three-year lower secondary school, and a three-year upper secondary school. In India each state has a director of public education who, among his other tasks, is responsible for the inculcation of basic education through productive activity and local crafts to all children between the ages of 6 and 14. In the Indian curricular system, the student may begin an eight-year elementary school at the age of 6 and may possibly move on to a three-year secondary school and a three-year college, which constitute the higher scholastic organization. Other national variations of the elementary school offer four- and six-year programs that are followed by a three-year junior secondary or middle school and a three-year secondary school.

Elementary schools in most nations introduce the child first to the local environment and then systematically bring him into contact with larger environments. The way in which this is done, the relative emphasis on factual knowledge, the relative attention to the concept of culture, and the degree of pupil involvement in the design of the learning experiences may vary greatly from nation to nation or even between educational systems. Nevertheless, the principle that a child's learning should move from the immediate and familiar to the distant and unfamiliar appears to be widely accepted.

Great variation therefore exists within nations and internationally regarding such characteristics as the degree of stress placed on textbook learning, the degree of religious and ideological training, and the relationship between teachers and students. It should be noted that in some nations, such as Spain, Ireland, and some Muslim countries, religious and denominational influences control the school systems. In other countries (e.g., the United States), ecclesiastical and other religious bodies maintain elementary, secondary, and higher schools separate from the public-school systems.

Viewed globally, several factors continue to be potent determinants of change in elementary education. One factor is the expansion of enrollments resulting from population growth and an increased public desire for the fruits of schooling. A second factor is the social pressure for equalizing educational opportunity between social classes, ethnic and racial groups, rural and urban populations, and the sexes.

There is a close relationship between the educational provisions of a country and its economic resources. This relationship shows up in such country-to-country comparisons as the percentages of children between the ages of 5 and 14 enrolled in school, the number who begin but soon drop out, the supply and qualifications of teachers, and so on. In all of these respects, large sections of Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia and the Middle East are disadvantaged when compared with most of Europe and with countries such as the United States, Canada, Japan, and Australia.

The most critical problem of education in the world's developing countries is that of providing elementary schooling for all or even most of their children, and the second most critical problem then becomes one of keeping those children in school. The goal of literacy, which is central to elementary education everywhere, is frustrated not only when a small percentage of the people go to school but also when relatively few of those who do attend advance beyond the first or second grade. In some developing countries, for example, only one or two children out of five who go to school remain there until the fifth grade. A concentration of enrollment in the first grade or two is characteristic of underdeveloped school systems, partly because of the dropout problem and partly because many of those who stay on fail to meet requirements for promotion to the next grade.

Unfortunately, the rapid educational expansion that took place in many developing countries in the second half of the 20th century was offset by equally rapid population growth. Each year more children go to school, but there are still more to be educated. Consequently, facilities and a supply of well-trained teachers lag far behind the seemingly endless need.

An earlier preoccupation with the sheer quantitative problems of providing schooling for all children has been replaced in developed nations with a growing concern for persistent inequities in the quality of schooling provided various segments of the population. Where responsibility for education is decentralized to small local units, the quality of schooling provided from community to community often varies profoundly. Wealthy families often become dissociated from the educational needs of the rest of society because their children go to private schools. Or they join others like themselves in suburbs where their taxes support small classes, ample supplies of learning materials and equipment, and relatively well-paid teachers. The communities that they left are disadvantaged in the struggle to provide quality schooling for all. In the second half of the 20th century, one of the most vigorously debated educational topics of the United States was whether black and Hispanic children of the inner cities did indeed have equal educational opportunity so long as they were cut off, both in and out of school, from association with those more prosperous segments of the population that enjoyed the fruits of high-quality education owing to their greater financial resources.